Au cœur des Caraïbes, au milieu de mers azur et de cultures vibrantes, se trouve une nation en proie à des troubles perpétuels : Haïti. Alors que le monde tourne son regard vers cette nation insulaire, ce qui se dévoile n’est pas seulement un récit de bouleversements politiques ou de conflits économiques, mais une saga tragique de résilience luttant contre les ombres du désespoir.
Haitian President Jovenel Moise Pool NEW/Reuters
Au cœur des récents malheurs d’Haïti se trouve l’assassinat de son ancien président, Jovenel Moïse. Sa mort, un événement sismique dans l’histoire d’Haïti, a dévoilé les fractures profondes au sein du paysage politique du pays. Né le 26 juin 1968 à Trou-du-Nord, Moïse est apparu comme un symbole d’espoir, promettant de sortir Haïti de la corruption et de l’instabilité. Cependant, son mandat a été entaché d’allégations d’autoritarisme et de mauvaise gestion économique, aggravant encore les malheurs du pays.
Les racines de la situation difficile actuelle d’Haïti plongent profondément dans son histoire tumultueuse. Autrefois saluée comme la première république dirigée par des Noirs à la suite d’une révolte d’esclaves réussie, Haïti est aux prises avec un héritage d’exploitation coloniale, d’instabilité politique et de catastrophes naturelles. Des décennies de dictatures, de coups d’État et d’interventions étrangères ont laissé des cicatrices qui continuent de hanter la nation.
Au cœur des troubles en Haïti se trouvent les gangs notoires qui exercent le pouvoir dans le vide de la gouvernance. Des gangs comme G9 Family and Allies, armés jusqu’aux dents et alimentés par le désespoir, sont devenus de facto les dirigeants des quartiers pauvres. Leurs origines remontent à un réseau complexe de clientélisme politique, d’inégalités économiques et d’exclusion sociale. Des dirigeants comme Jimmy Cherizier, surnommé « Barbecue », sont nés des cendres de la pauvreté pour réquisitionner les forces qui terrorisent les communautés et tiennent les autorités à distance.
Haitian gang leader Jimmy Cherizier, infamous as ‘Barbecue’, in Port-au-Prince. (Image: AP)
Alors qu’Haïti est aux prises avec le spectre du chaos, la communauté internationale se trouve à la croisée des chemins. Les appels à l’intervention résonnent dans les couloirs diplomatiques, mais la voie à suivre reste semée d’embûches. L’idée d’une autre occupation, qui rappelle le passé tumultueux d’Haïti, suscite appréhension et scepticisme. Pourtant, l’urgence de rétablir l’ordre exige une action décisive.
Cependant, la question demeure : la communauté internationale doit-elle imposer sa volonté, ou Haïti doit-il tracer sa propre voie ? Le principe de souveraineté occupe une place importante, rappelant au monde que le sort d’Haïti repose en fin de compte entre les mains de son peuple. Même si le soutien extérieur est crucial, il doit être guidé par les voix et les aspirations des Haïtiens.
Le chemin vers la rédemption pour Haïti est ardu, mais pas insurmontable. Cela nécessite un effort concerté pour s’attaquer aux causes profondes, de la corruption systémique aux disparités socio-économiques. Cela exige un engagement à renforcer les institutions, à promouvoir la justice et à favoriser une gouvernance inclusive. Cela nécessite avant tout de la solidarité – tant à l’intérieur qu’au-delà de ses frontières.
Le cri de rédemption d’Haïti se répercute à travers le monde, nous rappelant notre responsabilité collective de nous tenir aux côtés des opprimés et des marginalisés. C’est un appel à l’action qui transcende les frontières et les idéologies, un témoignage de la résilience de l’esprit humain face à l’adversité.
Alors que le monde témoigne de la lutte d’Haïti, ne détournons pas le regard. Tendons plutôt une main solidaire, offrant l’espoir là où est le désespoir et la lumière là où est l’obscurité. Car dans la rédemption d’Haïti réside une lueur d’espoir pour un avenir meilleur – pas seulement pour la nation insulaire, mais pour l’humanité dans son ensemble.
In the heart of the Caribbean, amidst azure seas and vibrant cultures, lies a nation plagued by perpetual turmoil – Haiti. As the world turns its gaze towards this island nation, what unfolds is not just a narrative of political upheaval or economic strife, but a tragic saga of resilience battling against the shadows of despair.
Haitian President Jovenel Moise Pool NEW/Reuters
At the core of Haiti’s recent woes lies the assassination of its former president, Jovenel Moïse. His death, a seismic event in Haitian history, unveiled the deep-seated fractures within the nation’s political landscape. Born on June 26, 1968, in Trou-du-Nord, Moïse emerged as a symbol of hope, promising to steer Haiti away from corruption and instability. However, his tenure was marred by allegations of authoritarianism and economic mismanagement, further exacerbating the country’s woes.
The roots of Haiti’s current predicament delve deep into its tumultuous history. Once hailed as the first black-led republic following a successful slave revolt, Haiti has grappled with a legacy of colonial exploitation, political instability, and natural disasters. Decades of dictatorship, coups, and foreign intervention have left scars that continue to haunt the nation.
Central to Haiti’s turmoil are the notorious gangs that wield power in the vacuum of governance. Gangs like G9 Family and Allies, armed to the teeth and fueled by desperation, have become de facto rulers of impoverished neighborhoods. Their origins trace back to a complex web of political patronage, economic inequality, and social exclusion. Leaders like Jimmy Cherizier, known as “Barbecue,” rose from the ashes of poverty to commandeer forces that terrorize communities and hold authorities at bay.
Haitian gang leader Jimmy Cherizier, infamous as ‘Barbecue’, in Port-au-Prince. (Image: AP)
As Haiti grapples with the specter of chaos, the international community stands at a crossroads. Calls for intervention echo across diplomatic corridors, but the path forward remains fraught with challenges. The notion of another occupation, reminiscent of Haiti’s tumultuous past, evokes apprehension and skepticism. Yet, the urgency of restoring order demands decisive action.
However, the question remains – should the international community impose its will, or should Haiti chart its own course? The principle of sovereignty looms large, reminding the world that the fate of Haiti rests ultimately in the hands of its people. While external support is crucial, it must be guided by Haitian voices and aspirations.
The path to redemption for Haiti is arduous, but not insurmountable. It requires a concerted effort to address root causes, from systemic corruption to socio-economic disparities. It demands a commitment to strengthening institutions, promoting justice, and fostering inclusive governance. Above all, it necessitates solidarity – both within Haiti and beyond its borders.
Haiti’s cry for redemption reverberates across the globe, reminding us of our collective responsibility to stand with the oppressed and marginalized. It is a call to action that transcends borders and ideologies, a testament to the resilience of the human spirit in the face of adversity.
As the world bears witness to Haiti’s struggle, let us not look away. Let us instead extend a hand of solidarity, offering hope where there is despair, and light where there is darkness. For in Haiti’s redemption lies a beacon of hope for a better tomorrow – not just for the island nation, but for humanity as a whole.
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Fun memories with the youth of First Haitian Baptist Church of Dania. If you recognize your face in these pictures, please comment below with your name and the year these pictures were taken
Sheera Frenkel and Alan FeuerThu, January 21, 2021, 8:07 AM
After the presidential election last year, the Proud Boys, a far-right group, declared its undying loyalty to President Donald Trump.
In a Nov. 8 post in a private channel of messaging app Telegram, the group urged its followers to attend protests against an election that it said had been fraudulently stolen from Trump. “Hail Emperor Trump,” the Proud Boys wrote.
But by this week, the group’s attitude toward Trump had changed. “Trump will go down as a total failure,” the Proud Boys said in the same Telegram channel Monday.
As Trump departed the White House on Wednesday, the Proud Boys, once among his staunchest supporters, have also started leaving his side. In dozens of conversations on social media sites like Gab and Telegram, members of the group have begun calling Trump a “shill” and “extraordinarily weak,” according to messages reviewed by The New York Times. They have also urged supporters to stop attending rallies and protests held for Trump or the Republican Party.
The comments are a startling turn for the Proud Boys, which for years backed Trump and promoted political violence. Led by Enrique Tarrio, many of its thousands of members were such die-hard fans of Trump that they offered to serve as his private militia and celebrated after he told them in a presidential debate last year to “stand back and stand by.” On Jan. 6, some Proud Boys members stormed the U.S. Capitol.
But since then, discontent with Trump, who later condemned the violence, has boiled over. On social media, Proud Boys participants have complained about his willingness to leave office and said his disavowal of the Capitol rampage was an act of betrayal. And Trump, cut off on Facebook and Twitter, has been unable to talk directly to them to soothe their concerns or issue new rallying cries.
The Proud Boys’ anger toward Trump has heightened after he did nothing to help those in the group who face legal action for the Capitol violence. On Wednesday, a Proud Boy leader, Joseph Biggs, 37, was arrested in Florida and charged with unlawful entry and corruptly obstructing an official proceeding in the riot. At least four other members of the group also face charges stemming from the attack.
“When Trump told them that if he left office, America would fall into an abyss, they believed him,” Arieh Kovler, a political consultant and independent researcher in Israel who studies the far-right, said of the Proud Boys. “Now that he has left office, they believe he has both surrendered and failed to do his patriotic duty.”
The shift raises questions about the strength of the support for Trump and suggests that pockets of his fan base are fracturing. Many of Trump’s fans still falsely believe he was deprived of office, but other far-right groups such as the Oath Keepers, America First and the Three Percenters have also started criticizing him in private Telegram channels, according to a review of messages.
Last week, Nicholas Fuentes, leader of America First, wrote in his Telegram channel that Trump’s response to the Capitol rampage was “very weak and flaccid” and added, “Not the same guy that ran in 2015.”
On Wednesday, the Proud Boys Telegram group welcomed President Joe Biden to office. “At least the incoming administration is honest about their intentions,” the group wrote.
Kovler said the activity showed that groups that had coalesced around Trump were now trying to figure out their future direction. By losing his ability to post on Twitter and Facebook, Trump had also become less useful to the far-right groups, who counted on him to raise their profile on a national stage, Kovler said.
Tarrio, the leader of the Proud Boys, could not be reached for comment. A spokesperson for Trump did not respond to a request for comment.
The Proud Boys were founded in 2016 as a club for men by Gavin McInnes, who also was a founder of online publication Vice. Describing themselves as “Western chauvinists,” the group attracted people who appeared eager to engage in violence and who frequently espoused anti-Muslim and anti-Semitic views. The group had supported Trump since he assumed office.
The change toward Trump happened slowly. After November’s election, the group’s private Telegram channels, Gab pages and posts on alternative social networking site Parler were filled with calls to keep the faith with the president. Many Proud Boys, echoing Trump’s falsehoods, said the election had been rigged, according to a review of messages.
The Proud Boys urged their members to attend “Stop the Steal” rallies. One Nov. 23 message on a Proud Boys Telegram page read, “No Trump, no peace.” The message linked to information about a rally in front of the governor’s home in Georgia.
As Trump’s legal team battled the election result with lawsuits, the Proud Boys closely followed the court cases and appeals in different states, posting frequent links in their Telegram channels to news reports.
But when Trump’s legal efforts failed, the Proud Boys called for him on social media to use his presidential powers to stay in office. Some urged him to declare martial law or take control by force. In the last two weeks of December, they pushed Trump in their protests and on social media to “Cross the Rubicon.”
“They wanted to arm themselves and start a second civil war and take down the government on Trump’s behalf,” said Marc-André Argentino, a researcher who studies the far-right and a doctoral candidate at Concordia University. “But ultimately, he couldn’t be the authoritarian they wanted him to be.”
Then came the week of the Capitol storming. On Jan. 4, Tarrio was arrested by the Metropolitan Police on suspicion of burning a Black Lives Matter banner torn from a Black church in Washington. He was thrown out of the city by a judge the next day.
But nearly 100 other Proud Boys, who had been encouraged by leaders like Biggs, remained in Washington. According to court papers, Biggs told members to eschew their typical black-and-yellow polo shirts and instead go “incognito” and move about the city in “smaller teams.”
On the day of the riot, Biggs was captured in a video marching with a large group of Proud Boys toward the Capitol, chanting slogans like, “Whose streets? Our streets.”
Though prosecutors said Biggs was not among the first to break into the Capitol, they said he admitted to entering the building for a brief time. They also said he appeared to wear a walkie-talkie-style device on his chest, suggesting he was communicating with others during the incursion.
In an interview with The Times hours after the attack, Biggs said he and other Proud Boys arrived at the Capitol complex around 1 p.m. when the crowd in front of them surged and the mood grew violent. “It literally happened in seconds,” he said.
Prosecutors have also charged Dominic Pezzola, a Proud Boy from Rochester, New York, and a former Marine; Nicholas Ochs, founder of the Proud Boys’ Hawaii chapter; and Nicholas DeCarlo, who runs a news outfit called Murder the Media, which is associated with the group.
After the violence, the Proud Boys expected Trump — who had earlier told his supporters to “fight much harder” against “bad people” — to champion the mob, according to their social media messages. Instead, Trump began distancing himself from his remarks and released a video Jan. 8 denouncing the violence.
The disappointment was immediately palpable. One Proud Boys Telegram channel posted: “It really is important for us all to see how much Trump betrayed his supporters this week. We are nationalists 1st and always. Trump was just a man and as it turns out an extraordinarily weak one at the end.”
Some Proud Boys became furious that Trump, who was impeached for inciting the insurrection, did not appear interested in issuing presidential pardons for their members who were arrested. In a Telegram post Friday, they accused Trump of “instigating” the events at the Capitol, adding that he then “washed his hands of it.”
“They thought they had his support and that, ultimately, Trump would come through for them, including with a pardon if they should need it,” said Jared Holt, a visiting research fellow at the Atlantic Council’s DFR Lab. “Now they realize they went too far in the riots.”
Some Proud Boys now say in online posts that the group should “go dark” and retreat from political life by cutting its affiliation to any political party. They are encouraging one another to focus their energies on secessionist movements and local protests.
“To all demoralized Trump supporters: There is hope,” read one message in a Proud Boys Telegram channel Wednesday. “There is an alternative. Abandon the GOP and the Dems.”
Feeling water in your mouth, empty of taste? The world has a lot of delicious dishes, desserts, crispy cookies, and worth to eat chicken spices.
But wait, did you ever taste the delicious dishes of the great culture of Haiti? The richness of nature, the abundance of mountains, and the purity of air give the natural taste of the land, the purity of the heart of the people, and the strenuous efforts of the Haitians. Not only the cuisines of the Haitians are worth eating, they are worth looking at and smelling.
The sweet juices, the fried ages and meat, and the spicy roast chicken in the taste of Haiti is making me restive to eat them now.
Without further procrastination let see what are the famous cuisines of the Haitians, what taste they possess, and what are the methods to make them generally so that we can make them in a better way to make maximum out of them.
Alone, a scary word. No one wants to be alone. Loneliness kills and annihilates the people of this era. With the relentless craving to fill the void in life, people build a relationship with their counterparts out of frustration and other selfish reasons.
Do you think that life will give you a partner, a friend who will always walk with you? No matter wherever you are, life teaches a lesson, “those who fly solo has the greatest courage to confront the challenges of life”.
